Dismantling the Union*

*Note: This guide is not necessarily complete but following any single instruction out of the 17 may actually suffice to achieve the goal of final dismantling of the EU (or at least making the EU ungovernable).

1.     If you are uncertain whether you are already in a state of war with someone, avoid the issue completely, or, on the contrary, be very expressive about it. It is always easy to make people unaware – or alerted more than they already are.     

2.     Make sure you increase the tension between the EU institutions themselves and between the EU and its member states. A reliable tip: start demanding immediate extension of powers of the European Parliament or talk a lot about a need for more „governmental“ European Commission. Or you may also consider demanding increase of supervisory and sanctioning powers of supranational or inter-governmental bodies, especially if they are unelected or perceived by the public as being a possible source of the problem rather than its solution.   

3.     Try to increase also the tension between the member states themselves. Call loudly for solidarity – or at least for leniency -, especially when the problematic situation in question has arisen out of factual or perceived breach of obligation by the aid beneficiary or from malfunctioning of public authorities in the member states or on the EU level. At the same time, stay stubbornly principled and devoted to what you perceive as your interest, and, as a rule, refrain from compromising on any hot topics.

4.     Do not involve the non-members of the Eurozone in the discussions on its future. Do the same with the UK and other neighbours and partners when discussing the future of the EU.

5.     Don´t care for the small and „new“ member states, now the big old guys must show their leadership and secure their interests. The enlargement was largely a British idea, anyway. 

6.     When addressing the most pressing issues such as security, migration, foreign policy, monetary and banking union or health of economy, focus always on goals rather than on means; on abstract principles (such as „subsidiarity“, „accountability“, „solidarity“, „multi-speed“ or „concentric Union“, „balanced division of competences“, or „more“ or „less Europe“) rather than on quality of actual performance in achieving those goals. Make sure your focus stays on handling of the consequences, not on the causes. Who actually cares – they are out of your hands anyway.

7.     Focus solely on the needs and goals themselves and on who – the unfortunate – should be responsible for achieving them. Only then – if at all – examine how the goals can be achieved and with what success.

8.     Never admit that there are areas such as central banking, financial rescue mechanisms, EU law enforcement, EU legislative initiative, tax evasion, global conflicts or new technologies which are not firmly in politicians´ hands anymore. Be ready to offer promises and guarantees even when the impact of your actions is limited.

9.     Focus your criticism on the EU and its institutions only as they are the main cause of general dissatisfaction. Member states are doing well and there´s no need to ask how they can perform better. Never forget to stress that someone else is responsible or that solutions have been unwisely regulated by EU institutions, especially if you took part in the decision-making.              

10.   Ask for return of „competences“ to the member states even if you are not quite sure you can manage alone. Things will always settle somehow, won´t they. 

11.   As a rule, try always to pre-empt individual national choices even when there´s no convincing EU-wide solution at sight. Make sure you shift more agenda and policies to EU level, especially if it is clear that EU itself is unlikely to find a consensus or is incapable of implementing in its member states what was agreed.              

12.   Shuffle off any calls for more legal certainty and clarity of EU rules and their better application by EU and national courts and administrations. After all, the member states´ governments can always simply refrain from fulfilling their own legal obligations, if need be. Who cares for the private parties and citizens and their petty hurdles.

13.   Never present your own opinion – it´s unnecessary or even dangerous. Blame „experts“ (especially the foreign ones) and make them responsible, even if you have not consulted them. 

14.   Don´t care for your own credibility. Things got so messed up that there´s actually no one who can still tell the difference between what you say and what you do, especially at home. Be loud and persuasive if you know that you are – for whatever reason – already doomed to act inconsistently.

15.   Press for abandonment of use of English, even in informal talks.

16.   Appear extremely relaxed, very well dressed and fed during the media breaks. Hug or pat the closest one near you before a camera even if you don´t know who that is. Always remind the media that if the solution is not found now, everything in Europe is in ruins. Or that there are no alternatives to what you happen to be supporting (now).

17.   Keep properly informing the public about the advantages of the EU, especially if you perceive that you yourself are not quite trusted by the public now (for whatever reason). Emphasize only financial benefits – or burdens – of the EU membership. Talk about bringing EU closer to the citizens even if you are not certain what exactly that means.

The author of this guide, Juraj Čorba (born 1978, Bratislava) is deeply convinced about the benefits of European co-operation and understands that to lead people is actually a very difficult task. The sketchy pamphlet style of the guide was chosen only to highlight the current dangerous tendency in which accepted standards of thoroughness and correctness of public debate do not seem to find general recognition anymore.

Read the original text in Visegrad Insight.

This article has been automatically generated from the Visegrad Insight magazine website, a project funded by the International Visegrad Fund. The opinions expressed in this article do not necessarily have to represent the official position of the donor, the Visegrad Group, or the publisher (Res Publica Nowa).